a borítólapra  Súgó epa Copyright 
A Békés Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei23. (2002.)


  • Domokos Tamás :

    Data about the Quaternary Mollusc Fauna, palaeo-environmental conditions of the environs of Elek

    On the basis of the malakofauna of the old brick-factory's subsurface (~ 1 m) deposits, the Archaean environment of Elek could be reconstructed as follows. The subsurface deposits have been formed by pluvial levelling and by matarial redeposition of the subsurface deposits approximately 5.500 years ago. The mean value of macro temperature in July could have been 17—18 °C according to the „vole-thermometer method" (Kordos 1977) and 16—17 °C according to the „malaco- thermometer method". The climate was so moist that it could provide the survival the Vertigo substriata. The higher parts of the area with a few meter surface difference were covered by forest and bush spots, grass; and the lower parts were covered by thick forests. Later the forests became drastically thinner, and some xerotherm species (Chondrula tridens, Granaria frumentum) got more important role. Kertész has found forest-steppe plant species proving the former existence of 2.000 tatarico-maple loess oak-forest (Aceri tatarico-Quercetum pubescenti-roburis ).

  • Sterbetz István :

    Lesser mole-rat (Microspalax leucodon, Nordmann 1840) occurences from Southeast Hungary

    At one time the lesser mole-rat was an eurytopic species in the Southeast regions of Hungary. Nowadays their populations has been almost completely destroyed by the modern agrotechnics. The dissertation specifies their registered habitats.

  • Sterbetz István :

    Data about the former avifauna of the fish-ponds and steppes in Biharugra's environs

    The examination deals with the avifauna of the ornithologically most valuable region (46°58' N 21°38' E) of the East-Hungarian Körös Maros National Park. The author recites the data of his diary notes - noted from 1951 - in order to provide comparative material for the evaluation of the present conditions. He has traced 244 bird species - 118 of them are nesting ones - during the described period (1951-1987).

  • Gyucha Attila :
    Újabb szkíta kori telepnyomok Békés megyéből59-88 [5.98 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0040

    Later Scythian age settlement vestiges from Békés County

    We have described in our dissertation two scythian age features found during the near past disclosures in Békés County. The bone objects found near the typical, multicoloured ceramic materials and the fragment of an object - that could be regarded as a lid to cover glowing embers - make the materials of the Gyulavári pit interesting. We have found two children skeletons in the settlement pit in Csárdaszállás. Similar occurence has been observed also in several places on the settlements of the Alföld (Great Plain) group. In the second part of our article we have summarized the very modest past results of the scythian age settlement researches in the Alföld (Great Plain) and in our Békés County region. After that we summarized the deductions of the results of the completed settlement survey in the Norhtern regions of the county and we established that the center of the settlement area moved to southern direction - to the border of the Körös Valley and the Mezőség as well as to the Mezőség region - compared to the Late Bronz Age.

  • Juhász Irén :
    Mázas római edény Szarvasról89-97 [5.56 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0050

    Roman glazed dish from Szarvas

    The place of occurence is to the east from the town, on the southeastern bank of the old Körös backwater, named earlier as „Cigányér" (Gipsy-brook).

    During the rescue excavation we made, we excavated 25 Ancient objects, 9 Neolithic Age graves, 1 piece Sarmatian well, 9 Sarmatian graves. Among these Sarmatian graves was the woman's grave No. 22 where the glazed dish was found. The intact, Roman glazed dish - standing on its pedestal - was in the end of the grave pit, in the direction of the right thigh bone.

    The body of the dish consists of two parts. The lower part is a Drag. 37. formed terra sigillata, the upper part laps over it to outside at its bottom curve. There are three, ribbed in the middle, strap handles - almost to the same distance from each other - on the shoulder of the dish; opposit to one of the strap handles a filter wearing pouring spout is fixed on the dish.

    Its decoration is very complex: there are small irregular dots, meniscus shaped yellow glaze dots, round ended wreath of leaves, 30 pieces dancing wing-bearing Amor figures. On the bottom of the dish there is a frieze consisting of 6 animal figures, running to the opposit direction to the Amors: the figures of a male lion, stag with antler, panther, goat, bear and bull could be identified in the frieze.

    According to the conclusions of the research/excavation, the manufacturers of the glazed dishes did not intend the dishes for everyday use, but they neither could be regarded as simple decorative dishes.

    The individual shape and the specific manufacturing technics of the Szarvas dish have attracted special attention. Dishes of this kind - one-one pieces - are known only from Buda and Kiskoszeg. Regarding the shape they are similar, but their decoration is different.

    According to the sample treasure the glazed dishes could be dated to the second half of the 2nd century.

  • Vaday Andrea :

    Data to the question of the enamelled brooches with animal presenting in the Carpathian-Basin (Sarmatian Barbaricum)

    In relation to the eagle - hare presenting enamelled brooch, founded in Zsadány (picture No. 1), the publication deals with the origin, presumed manufacturing workshops of the fibula type and with the comparisions (pictures No. 2-3) of the spread in the Roman territories and in the Sarmatian Barbaricum (picture No. 4).

    According to the date of the animal presenting enamelled brooches, the fibule from Zsadány is also a new data for the evaluation of the second (empire) and third (in this period the importance of the territories, bordering on the Barbarians, increased again) phases of the trade between the Roman Empire and Sarmatian Barbaricum.

  • Rózsa Zoltán :
    Avar kori teleprészlet Kardoskúton115-143 [5.22 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0070

    Avar settlement in Kardoskút

    Ernő Olasz jr. carried out excavations during the archéologie excavations related to the building works of the local sports ground in Kardoskút in 1952-53, and during his excavations he has disclosed also an Avar Age settlement part, but he was unaware of this. During the excavation very scattered Neolithic and Scythian Age ceramic fragments and more Sarmatian Age objects were disclosed.

    According to the practice of that times just the most important pieces were registered in the inventory of the regionally competent Museum in Orosháza. Furthermore during taking the inventory the material of find of the Avar village was qualified as Sarmatian, because on the place of occurence also late Sarmatian settlement part was disclosed, that was being very similar in several aspects to the late Avar ceramics. According to this it was omitted from the Orosháza monograph in 1965, since by that time Ernő Olasz - because of his discrediting - was excluded from the Hungarian Archeology. Today it is interesting just from science historical aspect, since the first Avar Age settlement disclosure in Hungary was not in Kardoskút.

    One of the two house types - found at the settlement disclosure - that's shorter aisle walls were east-west orientated, is probably an object from the Avar Age (picture No. 3. 3-4). In the corners of both houses, and also in the intersections of their east-west axis stake holes were found. Avar Age ceramics were found in the pits relatively far to the houses, that pits could not be related with certainty to this age. Remarkable that these pits were concentrated around the two ditches disclosed in the settlement. The age of these rather irregularly running ditches could be determined very uncertainly.

    The few - probably Avar Age - ceramic fragments (51 pes) found at the settlement, were classified typologically with regard to the manufacturing technics, and could be established that the material of the houses and pits, representing probably a relatively short period, shows very various formal and technological (firing, leaning) finishing. Thus the settlement part should be the remains of the Age preceding the fall of the Avar Empire. In this Age appeared together the old formal and technological traditions (first and second group of the manualy formed pots and first group of the thrown pots) the new firing method, the finer sludgeing, the leaning with lime/tuff, the new components (the third - fourth group of the manually formed pots, and the second - third group of the thrown pots) with new form types and decorations (application of helix and wide toothed comb; flattened rims, „S"-shaped profile). The typological classification is shown on picture No. 11.

    Also rim fragments of two cauldrons were found in the material of the settlement. Both of them were manually formed (picture No. 9. 5-6). The flattening on the fragment of the cauldron (?) - see picture No. 9. 5. - having drawn-in rim, could be found in the same form also on the fragment of a pot-rim found in the fill of the house No. 1/12. in Tiszaföldvár: flattened on the slant under the rim and below vertically (MADARAS 1991. 17. t. 2). The profile of the other pot found in the house No. 1/12. in Földvár (MADARAS 1991.17.1.1) is similar to that of the other cauldron (picture No. 9.6.) foud in Kardoskut. The two settlements are bond also by the structure of their houses, that means not so much age as ethnic identity.

    The material of the Kardoskut settlement is in all probability later dated than that of the Gyoma (VIDA 1996), Eperjes (BÁLINT 1991) and Tiszafüred, Morotva-part (MADARAS 1991) settlements. It could have the same age as the Obecse settlement (STANOJEVIC 1987). Similarities managed to be found between the 2. and 3. groups of the Kardoskut thrown pots and the Doboz material, that were chronologically doubtful. From typological aspect the Kardoskut settlement part generally could be regarded elder than the settlement of Doboz and of the up till now total unpublished settlement of Orosháza.

    In the nineteen fifties at least two Avar graves were disclosed 3-400 m to the north from the settlement, but unfortunately their materials were lost. Among other things plate belt fitting was disclosed in one grave and bone pin-case, melon seed pearls were disclosed in the other. Presumably two graves of a graveyard - used for longer period - were disclosed, but unfortunately their places of occurence are unknown. The connection between the graveyard and the settlement is obvious, as also possible that the grave of the graveyard and the settlement part are not from totally the same time of the Avar settling down.

    The chronology of the settlement could be specified more exactly by the processing of the Doboz and Orosháza settlements. In my opinion the material of the settlement on the bank of the Aranyad-brook originates from the turn of the 8-9th century.

  • Medgyesi Pál :

    Friedhofsteil aus dem 10-11. Jahrhundert, der bei dem Skoperda-Bauernhof in Újkígyós freigelegt wurde

    Zwischen 8. August und 9. September 1994. machten wir eine Fundspeicherung bei dem ehemaligen Skoperda-Bauernhof in der Feldmark von Újkígyós. Auf dem Fundort wurden schon 1972 Gräber aus dem 10-11. Jahrhundert freigelegt. Nach der Ankündigung der Familie Skoperda wurde eine kleinere Fundspeicherung von Irén Juhász gemacht, wobei 4 Gräber neben dem - damals noch stehenden und bewohnten - Haus identifiziert wurden.

    1994, anläßlich der eintausendeinhundertsten Jahreswende der Landnahme, wurden die Kosten einer neuen Grabung gemeinsam von der Selbstverwaltung des Komitates Békés und von der Selbstverwaltung von Újkígyós gesichert. Während der Aufdeckung wurden 39 Gräber freigelegt. Aus der Geldsumme - die wir für die Arbeit erhielten - könnten wir den Friedhof leider nicht völlig freilegen, und wegen der Fundspeicherungen, die wegen der ab 1995 im Komitat Békés beginnenden Großinvestitionen fällig waren, könnte man die Grabung nicht fortführen. Deshalb sind aus dem Friedhof bis jetzt nur diese 39 Gräber und diejenige 4, die von Irén Juhász freigelegt wurden, bekannt.

    In den Gräbern waren S-förmige Haarringe, Ringe mit treppenartigem Kopf, offener Blechring, Bandring, gedrehte und geflochtene Silberringe, Perlen, Armspangen, Beinplatten für Bogendeckung und Köcherverzierung, Knöpfe mit Henkel, lyraförmige Bronzeschnalle, Pfeilspitzen, Axt, Köcherbeschlagung, Eisenmesser, Eisenschnalle, Eisenring, Gebisse, Steigbügel und Geldstücke. In zwei Gräbern wurde partielle Pferdbestattung gefunden.

    Auf dem Grund des Fundmaterials waren die ältesten Gräber aus dem Ende des 10. Jahrhunderts, die nachherigen aus der zweiten Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts entstanden.

  • Liska András :
    17. századi aranypénzlelet Sarkadról219-233 [5.55 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0090

    17th century golden coin find from Sarkad

    In the Békéscsaba Munkácsy Mihály Museum a notification was received from Sarkad on 08th March 2001, that on the ground-plot at Sarkad, Kossuth Lajos street 14. during the digging out of the foundation trench of a building golden coins were found. Near the west corner of the building to be built, appr. 70 cm deep 6 pes golden coins were found in a small ceramic dish by Antal Lovas labourer, who was straightening vertically the trench wall, while he stood in the bottom of the trench.

    The place of discovery of the hidden ducats was found 300 meters far from the place of the one-time Sarkad castle. The place of discovery of the ducats was an organic part of the Hajdu(Heyducks)-town surrounding the castle. In the second part of the 17th century probably this area could be found within the reinforced settlement.

    The ducat minted in 1658 in Frankfurt was the latest one among the golden coins found in Sarkad. The presumption that the date of hiddmg is the same as the issue year of the last stamp, could be supported by historical data. According to our presumption the owner of the golden coins - because of the insecure situation in 1658 - rather thought to hide his collected golden coins in a dish and to flee. The presumed history of the golden coins covers a 17th century human tragedy, as the hider of the coins was never able to get back his property: either he was killed in the troubled times, or he had to leave this region without his treasure.

  • Novák László Ferenc :
    Mezőberény településnéprajzi viszonyai (18–19. század)235-260 [9.25 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0100

    Die siedlungsethnographischen Verhältnisse von Mezőberény (18-19. Jh.)

    Mezőberény war nach der Landnahme eine bewohnte Siedlung, aber in der Zeit der Türkenherrschaft ist sie zerstört worden. Sie hatte ähnliches Schicksal, wie die Mehrheit der Siedlungen des Komitates Békés. Nach der Heraustreibung der Türken wurde die Ortschaft wiederbevölkert, aber ihre tatsächliche Verstärkerung erfolgte erst ab 1722.

    Der gröate Teil des Békéser Gegends gerät in die Hände von János György Harruckern, wer aus den nördlichen Komitaten (Zólyom, Túróc, Árva, Hont, Gömör) von Ungarn slawische Ansiedler rufte und die Ansiedlung von deutschen Familien ermöglichte. Mit den Ungaren zusammen die Deutschen und die nordlichen Slawen bildeten eine starke Gemeinschaft, eine Marktflecken-eintracht in dem 18-19. Jahrhundert. Die Slawen siedelten sich in dem nordischen Teil, die Deutschen und die Ungaren in dem südlichen Gebiet der Ortschaft an. Kirchen wurden von der evangelischen Deutschen 1789, von der Slowaken 1797, von der reformierten Ungaren 1804 und von der römischen katolischen Menschen am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts aufgebaut.

    Mezőberény hat eine typische Marktfleckenstruktur. Sie befindet sich eigenartig von dem Körös Fluâ ein bischen mehr entfernt, Tárcsa klemmt sich in ihre Mark, aber die entvölkerte Kereki-Puâta in dem jenseitigen Gebiet des Flusses Körös wurde von Mezőberény verschafft. Ihre Grenze befindet sich auf der ergiebigen Erde der Békés-csanáder Lössoberfläche. Das groâes Gebiet ermöglichte im 18. Jahrhundert die ungebundene Bewirtschaftung, die Herausbildung des Herbergebauernhofsystems. In der Nähe der Ortschaft wurden Brachenfelder für die Hörigen vermessen. Im 18. Jahrhundert wurde Traube auf dem Oláh-Hügel angepflanzt. Die Phylloxera tilgte aber die Traube am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts auch auf diesem Gebiet aus.Triftige Traubenarten akklimatisierten sich im Laposi-Garten, auf dem pechschwarzen Landrücken, der sich aus dem Flutgebiet des Flusses Körös erhebt. In der traditionellen Bauernwirtschaft von Mezőberény spielte die Getreideproduktion eine bedeutende Rolle. Im ersten Teil und in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts wurden die hervorragenden Qualitätsweizen von Seelsorger und Erzieher von Berény, wie András Skolka, Károly Jeszenszky aus der Reihe der Feldfrüchte ausgewählt. Diese Getreide wurde auf dem Markt von Nagyvárad als Mezőberényer Weizen genannt, wegen siener hervorragenden Qualität um Ruhm zu werben.

    Das Zentrum von Mezőberény war geordnet, das wurde auf ebenmääigen Grundstücken errichtet. Mit Wohnung- und Wirtschaftsfunktion waren sie einheitliche Wirtschaftszentren. Gemäa dem Wohlstand und Vermögen erhielt der Marktflecken sein Gesicht am Ende des 19. und am Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts: mit typischen eklektischen, sezessionistischen, verzierten Wirthäusern mit eingebauten, sogenannten Trockentoren und mit einfacheren schilfbedeckten, mit Ziegelschindeln gedeckten Wohnhäuser mit Dielen, in dem slowakischen Teil mit geweiâten Wohnhäusern mit Frontdielen in kleinerer Straâen. Die weiäen Bauernhöfe auf dem Feldflur schloâen sich zu den Betriebszentren in der Stadt, wo die jüngere Generation der Familie und die Pachtbauer lebten und wirtschafteten.

    Das städtische Gesicht des Marktfleckens wurde -neben die öffentlichen und kirchlichen Gebäuden, Wirthäusern von Rang - durch das „Schloâ", verstärkt. Das im klassizistischen Stil aufgebaute Herrenhaus der Familie Wenckheim befand sich von einem geräumigen Park umkreist im Zentrum, gegenüber des alten Rathauses.

    Das Aufhören der Urbarialverhältnisse könnte aufgrund des Urbarialpatents vom Jahre 1853 endgültig werden. Das Grundherr- und ehemalige Frongut trennten sich von einander, das Land geriet ins Eigentum der ehemaligen Fröner, das Weideland wurde unter die Hörigen und Einlieger zerteilt. Im zweiten Teil des 19. Jahrhunderts waren gedeihliche Bauernhofwirtschaften im Feldflur von Mezőberény, die wegen der fundamentalen politischen Veränderungen nach 1945 liquidiert worden.

  • Csete Gyula :
    A mezőberényi németek lakó- és nyári konyháinak leírása261-278 [17.00 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0110

    Die Beschreibung der Wohn- und Sommerküchen der Deutschen von Mezőberény

    Mezoberény ist ein Marktflecken mit groâer Feldmark im Komitat Békés. In seinem Vorort überblieb zum Teil die weitverbreitete Gehöftwelt. In Berény leben drei Nationalitäten: Ungaren, Deutschen und Slowaken. Das Thema meiner Studie ist ein weniger bearbeitetes Gebiet des Volksbaues, die Wohn- und Sommerküche, ihre Entwicklung und ihr Gebrauch aufgrund rezenter Forschungen.

    Laut unserer bisherigen Kenntnisse kam die Sommerküche erstmal am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts vor, als ein Gebäude oder Gebäudeteil mit eigener Funktion. Die Sommerküchen erschienen im allgemeinen wegen der Bauerverbürgerlichung, sowie in dem Land als auch in Mezoberény, wegen der neuen Ansprüchen der Wohnungskultur und daswegen, daâ das Wohnhaus ein Representationsraum geworden war.

    Über die Sommerküchen der Deutschen von Mezoberény kann man sagen, daâ sie sich immer im Nebengebäude befinden. Zwei Haupttypen und zahlreiche Variante von denen wurden sich ausgebildet: ein archaisches und ein oberhausähnliches Gebäude. Nach der Liquidierung der traditionellen Bauernwirtschaft lebt sie durch Umbau, Umwandlung mit einfacheren Funktionen weiter.

    Sie verlor viel an ihre Rolle, aber auch heutzutage wird je eine Sommerküche aufgebaut. Aufgrund meines Erfahrens kann man sagen, daâ sie den organischen Teil des Lebens von solchen Menschen bilden, die im traditionellen Gartenhaus leben und Vieh halten. Wie die Sommerküche einst durch Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsansprüche oder Zwang ins Leben gerufen wurde, so wird sie sich auch heutzutage gestaltet und nach den Verhältnissen und Erwartungen gerichtet weitergelebt.

  • Erostyák Zoltán András :
    Az utolsó szappanfőző műhely Orosházán279-297 [3.47 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0120

    The last soap-making manufacture in Orosháza

    In the peasant communities the soap-making was a general, even prescribed tradition, that was the task of the women. It appeared in the larger villages, market-towns as homecrafts, guildic then later small-scale industry satisfying the urban needs. The small-scale industrial development of the soap-making had an individual characteristic in Orosháza, because in the surroundings of the town a lot of swine was grown mainly by the peasants living in the scatterd farms and villages around the town. Thus our question is: what factors influenced and formed the development of the urban soap-making small-scale industry around and after - in the 1950-ies - the second world war, that period was not favourable for the private industry. The railway building works made Orosháza an important point of junction of the trade in the South-Great-Plain. The animal trade (the number of the swines was especially very high) was an important part of this trade. László Fehér soap-making craftsman started his career as butcher, but he lost his industry during the nationalization after the second world war, than in 1953 - when the politics eased - he got the licence for soap-making, in that he as butcher was well experienced, because the butchers always boiled the „offals" of the swine slaughtering. The revolution in 1956 increased in a large scale the turnover of the manufacture, that operates even today. Nowadays the elder people, the people with skin diseases and allergy purchase the soap, or it is exchanged to the fat taken from home. The change of the eating habits contributed in a large extent to fact that the manufacture operates even today as a family undertaking.

  • Baligáné Szűcs Irén :

    In the Békés Museum preserved relics of Sándor Szikszay gingerbread/honey-cake maker craftsman rewarded with golden diploma

    Sándor Szikszay (1884-1948) was an outstandingly talented representative of the gingerbread/honey-cake making craft having a great past in our region. He learned the basics of his craftmanship in Békés then he spent a longer apprenticeship in Debrecen, and going on with the traditions and styles of this region he became a nationwide wellknown craftsman. From the 1920-ies the.Trade and the general public took notice of the gingerbreads/honey-cakes made with the wooden moulds designed and cut by himself. In 1925 he was granted by the greatest honour, the gingerbread/honey-cake maker craftsman with golden diploma.

    The wooden moulds and the pattern/mould book (including also the sketch of 100 pes wooden moulds) made by him and published in Békés, could be regarded as the most valuable pieces of the Szikszay material, preserved in the Békés Museum. The wooden moulds of Szikszay had a wide topic scale, including the traditional hussar, horse, sword, heart, baby etc. but he created also new types: car, chimney-sweeper, young lady etc. The ornamentation/decoration of the forms were very rich, the various ornaments/decorations were made by sophisticated construction and under folk art inspiration.

    The examination of the wooden beaters, moulds - representing a significant cultural historical, ethnographic value -, the study of the technical and stylistic changes are important parts of the ethnographical research of the gingerbread/honey-cake craft, for that also the Szikszay material could provide a good basis.

  • Nagyné Martyin Emília :
    A magyarországi románok halottkultusza315-347 [17.90 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0140

    Burial cults of the Romanians lived in Hungary

    The burial cult of the Romanians lived in Hungary became central topic of some scientific research works in the last few years, in consideration to the multi-colouring, variety of the death related, belief based customs that could be regarded as rarity. However, the few dissertations processing this topic describe mainly the deceased related beliefs and burial customs, disregarding all those data, that are provided by the cemetaries for the research works.

    After the birth, baptism, wedding the last station of the turns of the human life is the death, the burial. The death means the irrevocable dissolution of the living beings, but at the same time it means the beginning of the entry into the unknown world. Its mystery is at the same time agitating and fearful.

    The life after the death, the mysteriousness of the other-world surrounds the deceased with strange beliefs. The honour of the deads by the living and their fear from the dead means the source of the innumerable beliefs and customs. This dual feeling is the basis of the dead related customs, but the fear inspired also the aloof and elusive deeds.

    Keeping the memory of the deads alive is known by each folks. The main reason to commemorate about the deads is the prevention of the maleficent intentions of the deads toward the living. The basis of the death related deeds and beliefs is the imagination, that the death takes place gradually and the soul of the deceased stays for a while in his/her body or in its vicinity, and leaves into the other-world or continue to live in the grave.

    Some remains of the burial cults of the Romanians lived in Hungary still lives vivid even today in the everyday practice or in the memory of the people. These remains are e.g. the keeping of the burial feast, the custom to nourish symbolically the deads, to lay objects/tools near the deads, the belief-stories about ghosts, deads related memorial objects, death related folk-poetry works and the ethnography of the cemetary.

  • Laurinyeczné Sinkó Rozália :
    Egy biharugrai parasztember epikus hagyományai349-378 [7.39 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0150

    Episches Erbe eines Bauers von Biharugra

    Im traditionellen Sinn des Wortes kann man Sándor Kővágó nicht einen Märchenzähler nennen. Wegen seiner Gemütsart, die auf die magische Welt mit dem Inhalt im Unterbewusstsein empfänglich ist, und seiner eigenartigen Lebensführung und abgeschlossener, von der Gesellschaft abweichender Lebensweise konservierte er - und auf meine Bitte weitergab - die aus dem Wissen der Dörfler ausgebeuteten Archaismen, die vor fünfzig Jahren gesammelten Kentnisse und die für heute entfärbten epischen Traditionen. Die von Sándor Kővágó interpretierten Werke der Volksdichtung tragen die wichtigsten Charakteristiken der Prosavolklore an sich: das historische Gedenkmaterial ist lebend, die Tradition des Zauberers webt sich in die Geschichtssagen ein /das Zauberpferd von Sankt László, die Schamaneigenschaft von Sándor Rózsa, auf dem Schiff wurde ein Sieb geworfen um die Identität von Jonas festzustellen/. Seine kurzen Märchen entbehren das Wunderbare, aber sie drücken gleichzeitig seine Meinung über die Gesellschaftserscheinungen seiner Zeit und über seiner eigenen Situation aus. In den bibelinspirierten Geschichten aktualisiert er ähnlicherweise. In seinem Repertoire kommen überwiegend die kurzen, scherzhaften, kleinepischen Gattungen, Geschichten über die Schildbürger /die sogenannten „rátó-tiádák'7, Geschichtchen und Anekdoten, die mit historischen Personen /Petőfi, Csokonai, József Bölönyi/ verbunden sind. Seine Glaubengeschichten beschränken sich bloä auf die Mitteilung von Fakten und auch hier kommen die Motive des Zauberers vor. Seine Wahrheitsgeschichten, Erlebniserzählungen sind reich an irrationalen Wendungen.

  • Grin Igor :
    Egy sarkadi mesemondó379-406 [3.43 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0160

    Fairy tales from Sarkad

    This publication is to provide information about the longer then ten years collecting work - that needed great patience - and about its first results: about the up till now unknown part of the oral traditions of Sarkad, about the Hungarian language Gypsy folk-tales told in the local dialect.

    The ethnography regarded the Great-Plain for a long time as a large region that was little inspiring and unfavourable for the creation of folk-tales as referred also by Linda Dégh. Till the sixties of the last century no folk-poetry publication was issued from Sarkad, the South-Bihar Heyduck-settlement. Ákos Dömötör's work - publishing the fairy tales of this region - was issued at this time. In his work he published the fairy tales repertory - mainly consisting of shorter writings - of two local tale-tellers. These data - almost half of them were imported from Transylvania - and the valuable legendary data remembering to the founders of the settlement, meant up till now the prosaic oral traditions of the once Heyduck-settlement.

    The data of the recent disclosures in Sarkad provide an other aspect for the folk-tales of the Alföld (Great Plain), and made the earlier degrading opinions groundless. János Lakatos is a real tale-teller individual, who should be regarded as one of the excellent continuer of the Hungarian folk-tale traditions. The several dozens of folk-tales told by him could be regarded by their cathegory as fairy tales. The texts of Lakatos are tale contaminations with several characters based on the Gypsy living conditions, but at the same time they show the knowledge of the Hungarian folk-tale traditions. These tale contaminations could be determined sometimes as new type.

    Today he is over seventyfive - he compares himself self-confidently to Andersen, the Danish tale-teller - and he was for several decades the entertainer of the Gypsy public in Sarkad. As an organizer (he liked to regard himself as „main contractor, independent group leader") of seasonal jobs - he provided job for his fellows - he got great experience in the tale-telling. The tale-creating knowledge - he learned from his two Gypsy teachers - proved to be very useful for his tale-telling.

    The leading characters of the two presented folk-tales, Snow-Flower and Károly Kudus are highly moral, good-natured Gypsy heros longing for truth and justice. The tale-teller describes the desire to the rise in the fate of these heros.

  • Cs. Szabó István :

    Angaben zur geschichtlichen und ethnographischen Kenntnis der Pferdezucht auf dem Körös-Gebiet

    Die naturgeographische Gegend Körös-Gebiet war im Mittelalter und auch in den früheren Jahrtausenden eine Landschaft, die durch lange, schlängelnde Wasserläufe durchgelaufen und durch sumpfigen Flächen unterbrochen war. Die biologische Umwelt wurde durch den Rhythmus der Fluten, die jährlich mehrmals vorkamen, in ständigen Veränderungen gehalten. Auf den tiefliegenden Inseln gaben die ergiebigen Weiden und die Sumpfwälder den hier lebenden Menschen und ihren Tieren ausreichende Nahrung.

    Die auf diesem Gebiet lebenden Ungaren wirtschafteten auf dem Flutgebiet und sie schützten sich vor der Flut mit verschiedenen kulturtechnischen Lösungen -wie mit Kanälen mit Doppelausnutzung /"fokok"/, die auch gegrabene sein könnten, aber sie waren überwiegend naturelle Geländeformationen -, mit Dämmen und Sperrseen, die gleichzeitig auch Fischteiche waren. Es ist aufmerksam, daâ die türkische „Verwaltung" „die Bewegung der Gewässer" in der Zeit der Türkenherrschaft in Ordnung halten lieä. Die Versumpfung erfolgte auf einigen Gebieten in der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts, wann die militärische Operationen die geregelte Wirtschaftung unmöglich machten.

    Innerhalb des ansehnlichen Viehbestandes der Pferdebestand vertrat eine bedeutsame Zahl. Ab der Arpadenzeit bis zum 20. Jahrhundert wurde ein wertvoller Pferdebestand auf diesem Gegend unseres Landes gezüchtet. Die Willkürherrschaft zwischen 1958-1962 rechnete auch mit dem Pferdezucht, was dem Bauerntum - was sie liquidieren möchteten - von psychologischer Bedeutung war und mit der Vergangenheit im Zusammenhang brachten-, grausam ab.

    Bis der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts, an manchen Stellen bis zum Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts wurden die in der Arbeit genutzten Pferde von den Pferdejungen auf der sogenannten siedlungnahen inneren Weide in Gruppen geweidet. Die Weide in der Nacht bat den Jugendlichen eine Möglichkeit von den älteren Menschen Märchen und Sagen zu hören, Gesellschaftsspiele zu spielen und durch die Bewachung von Pferden miteinander abwechselnd Liebesverbindungen zu pflegen. In dem Gehöftsystem, welches nach der Kommassierung der Ackerfelden und nach dem Ausbruch der Weiden herausgebildet wurde, als die „organische Fortführung" dieser Weideart war die Weide um die Gehöfte zustande gekommen.

    Auf die Wende des 19.-20. Jahrhunderts entsprach das Bild des „idealen Pferdes" des ungarischen Bauers den Anforderungen von „landwirtschaftlichem Arbeitspferd", welches mit der fachlichen Leitung der militärischen Gestüte gezüchtet wurde. Diese Gruppe der Pferdearten von „halbschweren" Warmblütern - Nonius, englische Halbblutpferdarten - genügte auch die Ansprüche der Armee. Der gemischte Bauerpferdebestand von östlichem Charakter wurde bis zu dem letzten Drittel des 19. Jahrhunderts völlig verschwunden. Die Qualität des Pferdebestandes erlitt wegen des I. und II. Weltkrieges einen wesentlichen Rückschlag.

    Die Pflege, die Fütterung und die Haltung von Pferden wurden von der endlosen Pferdeliebe des Bauertums bestimmt. Der Landwirt von Pferden ging nach der Arbeit nie „ins Haus" hinein, bis er seine Pferde in jeder Hinsicht nicht versorgte. Er ging sogar vor dem Schlafengehen in den Stall um zu besehen, ob alles in Zusammenhang mit den Pferden in Ordnung sei.

    Nach dem Aufbruch der Weiden, durch den Anbau der Futterpflanzen wurde die Futterung von Pferden völlig verändert. Die Haltungs- und Futterungskosten erhöherten sich. Die Pferden wurden auf jeden Zweig der landwirtschaftlichen Arbeiten eingehend ins Joch gespannt. Die Futterung mit Gerste, als Pferdefutter hörte sich auf. Die Kraftfutter waren: Hafer, Mais. Die Massenfutterpflanzen waren: Luzerneheu, weniges Wiesenheu, Gersteheu, Haferheu, im Notfall Weizenheu. Futterrübe und Futterkürbis wurden in groâer Menge im Herbst und im Winter mit Weizenspreu - Rüttsroh nach einem eintägigen Verarbeitungsverfahren /Beizezubereitung/ gefuttert. Die überwiegend auch heute gebräuchliche mehrhundert Wörter für die Nennung von Pferdefarben und Pferdemalen - dienen als ein Beweis der Fülle, Vielfarbigkeit und besonderer Varietät der Ausdrucksfähigkeit der ungarischen Sprache. Die Zahl von solchen Nennungen ist aber leider auch bedeutend, die - mit den Pferden zusammen - schon aus dem allgemeinen Gebrauch ausgestorben sind.

  • Havassy Péter :

    Inspection of landmarks and boundary marks in Békés County of the Middle Ages

    The most secure protection of the boundaries is the proper marking out of them, namely firm, well visible marks should be created or fixed on the boundary of the settlement in order to let know evidently and immediately for everybody where the boundary was. This is why that in all Ages the exact marking out of the boundaries was regarded so important, that it was ordered generally by the prince or by a high dignitary. All boundary withdrawal or arrangement related actions were made by the county bailiff, sub-prefect, later by the district administrator or by chance by a county counsellor. Besides them also the royal people, a member of one authentic place, as well as the noble neighbours and boundary markers, and generally the elder serfs were involved in the act. It happened often that during the inspection of landmarks younger inhabitants were beated, flogged or tugged at their hair etc. But besides the beating there was also a practice that could be regarded as general: the almost compulsory education, theaching of the youngs about the the boundary points of the settlement. The oral tradition, the collective memory and the community, taking care consciously, strictly of the remembrance sometimes had recorded several hundred years old state, and this statement of us is especially valid for those cases, when at the begining of the 18th century the evidences during the again inspections of the landmarks and the data of the once documents are in accordance. Thus the continuous population - that took care of the meta-s and also provided the knowledge of the marks, so to say maintained the memory - is a very important condition of the preservation of the boundary marks. Comparing the Middle Ages and 18th century place-names of some villages seems evidently the survival of the old boundary marks till the new Ages, also in case of those settlements that's inhabitants were totally destroyed - according to the opinion of the researchers - during the Turkish times. Anyway a few inhabitant should have survived the Turkish occupation, or returned to his/her former village, otherwise the transfer/survival of the geographical names could not be possible.

    Detailed boundary descriptions of some villages - several of them were on the Great Plain - endowed in whole already in the 19th century, prove the ancientness of the boundaries. There were rank differences among the boundary marks. Some of them were denominated as capitalis or capitaneus meta i.e main boundary mark. The boundary marks could have been natural or artifical or a mixture of both, e.g. when a cross was engraved or a large nail was driven into a living tree etc. The streams, rivers, brooks, swamps, ponds, lakes, various trees and line of trees (sometimes also bushes) were the main natural marks. Furthermore - especially on the Great Plain - the sand drift created dunes named „halom "(mound), „kurga", „kunhalom" could be reagarded also as natural marks. But most of them were artifically - mainly for burial purposes -made protrusions. The smaller mounds, hillocks (meta terrae) were the most simple artificial boundary marks and they were well known also in other regions of Europe. The smaller or larger mounds were made identifiable - even afterwards - by placing, laying a lasting, remarkable object, boundary stone (the eldest is preserved in the Gyula Museum), often a characteristic stone or when it was not available - especially on the Great Plain - a brick.

    E.g. the bond clump of grass, the bundle of reeds, a leafy branch (sign-board), a mark assembled from several leafy branches driven into the ground or fixed on a pole, the so-called „csóva"(brand) - in the Békés County dialect„cúca") belonged to the temporary boundary marks. The trenches, pits, holes, wells and also the burials into boundary marks could be mentioned among the dug boundary marks. The examiners have often determined also the distance between the boundary marks, that distances were measured by step, somewhere else by throwing an ax (like the Germans did) or a stick, but most often they were measured by arrowshot.

  • Németh Csaba :
    A gyulai evangélikus egyházközség megalapítása481-522 [9.39 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0190

    The establishment of the evangelical parish in Gyula

    The citizens of Gyula backed the Reformation at the turn of the 1520-ies and 30-ies. It became the intellectual center of the Trans-Tisza (a region of Hungary to be found to the east from the „Tisza" river) evangelical church district. But the regional priesthood subscribed to the Helvetian creed. Since the Turkish occupation the cure of souls of the Gyula evangelists was done by the reformed clergymen.

    The establishment of the independent church district was urged on by the leaders of the Arad-Békés County Church District. By the aid of a Hungarian language congregation they wanted to prove the irrationality of the charge of pan-slavism; and also against the peasant movement, lead by András Achim L. they could reckon on the support of the parish governed mainly by state officials.

    The establishment of the Gyula Evangelical Branch Church was declared on the convocation on 03rd June 1907. The parish had 424 members. They held five church services annually, on the more important feasts. They held their church occasions in the state elementary school. The Békéscsaba clergymen were taken care of the faithfuls of the branch church.

    The establishment of the independent parish was declared on 17th August 1913. In their opininon Gyula could become the care center of the evangelists living scattered in the surrounding, Arad and Bihar County settlements. But they did not become independent till the end of the world war. The world war caused serious shocks. After the war the major part of the members of the congregation - regarding the state in 1907 -was exchanged. The parish had to be reorganized.

  • Csobai Lászlóné :
    A Magyar–Román Társaságok története 1945–1950-ig523-556 [12.01 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0200

    The history of the Hungarian-Romanian Society 1945-1950

    The author was the first who undertook to write the history of the Hungarian-Romanian Society from 1945 till 1950. The introduction of the study analyzes the internal and external political state of Hungary at the end of the II. World War. The conditions of the establishment of the Hungarian-Romaian Society in Budapest is described in a distinct chapter. The study explains what initiative was launched at the end of the war and what forces and groups agitated and acted for the peaceful restoration of the country. The chapter Nr. three and four describe in details the establishment, objectives, organization structure, tasks and activities, realized programs of the Budapest Hungarian-Romanian Society and Debrecen Hungarian-Romanian Society. The study reveals what role played the Society in the restoration of the country after the war in 1945, and how much depended the Society on the politics. The history of the Debrecen Hungarian-Romanian Society is just shortly mentioned, because the archives source-material - relating to the activities of the regional branch societies -has been preserved very incompletely. The establishment, operation, program and the regional organizations of the Bucurest Romanian-Hungarian Society are just outlined in the fifth chapter, because its archives materials, to be found in Budapest, are very incomplete. Both the Budapest and Debrecen Hungarian-Romanian Society, carried on meaningful publishing activities, but it is valid also on the Bucurest Romanian-Hungarian Society, that is referred - but without aiming at completeness - in the study. The author processed completely the archives sources concerning the period, in the New Hungarian Central Archives. Besides the rich archives material he used also the remains (could be found in the Historical Collection of the Mihály Munkácsy Museum) of Gábor Lükő, that contains also very rich documentation (writing, small print, publication and press).

  • Kiss Anikó :
    Értékes tárgyegyüttes a gyulai Erkel Ferenc Múzeumban557-563 [3.91 MB - PDF]EPA-01577-00023-0210

    Valuable group of objects in the Gyula Ferenc Erkel Museum

    The publication describes the history of four valuable objects preserved in the more than 130 years old Gyula Museum. In 1913 János Domonkos museum guard got 4 holy sculptures, carved from linden-wood. The sculptures - made in Baroque style -are the portraits of St. István (Stephen), St. Imre, St. Gellért and Boldog(COOÍ/J Béda. Two of them have gilded clothes, the other two have multi-coloured clothing. Both of the glided sculptures have been damaged. The face of St. Imre was engraved in a sanguinary manner. These damages could happened already after they were taken into the museum, because Domonkos did not mentioned it in the 1910-s.

    The conditions how the sculptures got to Gyula are also interesting, because the sculptures got from the far Ugocsa County Feketeardó to the property of the Museum. A bricklayer master, originating from Gyula, found them walled in in the Feketeardó catholic church.

    The history of Feketeardó is rather vicissitudinous, so the date of the walling in of the Saints can not be specified exactly. The village was damaged so much in the 17th—18th centuries, that the hiding was forgotten.

    Also the museum was damaged in the 20th century, so the date of the damaging of the sculptures can not be specified as well. The museum's book of inventory was lost during the II. World War, so we could know the history of the sculptures only after research launched on the basis of some newspaper news.

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