Data concerning the flora of South-Tiszántúl
In this publication I put forth my more important data noticed in the east periphery of the South-Tiszántúl, less known from fioristic viewpoint, which are unpublished in significant amount as yet and were collected between 1986-2000.
In the area of the Körös-Maros National Park I had the opportunity to explore some protected areas in a more systematic and comprehensive way from fioristic viewpoint. Thus significant part of the published data embraces the data of the following areas: Nature Reserve District of Biharugra, Nature Reserve Area of Bélmegyer, forests along the Fekete- and Fehér-Körös, Nature Reserve Area of Körös Valley.
In addition the publication contains partly more systematic or sporadic collecting data about some leüsse greensward residues of high nature protection value - Csorvás, Pusztaföldvár, Battonya; and some regions about which according to the literature we hardly can find fioristic data - Újszalonta, Kötegyán, Szeghalom, Füzesgyarmat, Elek, Békéscsaba, Szabadkígyós, Bánkút, Kétsoprony, Kondoros, Mezőhegyes.
With this work 1 wish to contribute to a more comprehensive view of the current flora of South-Tiszántúl.
Terrestrial malakofauna of the Hungarian section of the Fekete-Körös Valley I.
The study presents the research history of the terrestrial malakofauna of the 20,5 kilometres long Hungarian flood-plain of the Fekete-Körös and its animal geographical classification.
The basic survey of the Mollusca fauna in the Körös Region was carried out by Gyula Kovács in the 60s-70s. Károly Bába, Tamás Domokos, János Podani and András Varga also contributed to the further examination of snail fauna. As the result of the researches until 1980 the presence of 25 species, until 1998 37 species rose to notice from the Fekete- Körös Valley. Three tables of study contain the faunistic results.
In the spirit of the Praecarpaticum conception of Tamás Deli the valley of the Körös Rivers includes more spots of the fluctuation zone of the Praecarpaticum. Disruption of the fluctuation zone into spots can be ascribed to impact of the land-transforming activities of man in the 18th-20th century.
Avar graves with horses in the north part of Békés County
I outline the various forms of burials of the Avar graves with horses explored by me. The finding places are the followings: Endrőd-Kecskészug, Orosháza-Béke Cooperative sandpit, Orosháza-Bónum brick-factory, Szarvas-locality no. 68, Szarvas-locality no. 75. These graveyards are situated in the north third of the county. Out of the 958 explored Avar graves horse could be found only in 45 ones but almost all forms of this sort of burial could be observable.
1. Total horse and human skeleton in one grave beside each other could be found in 5 cases, only in the graveyard of Orosháza-Bónum brick-factory.
2. Total horse and human skeleton in one grave above each other could be found in 3 cases in the graveyards of Orosháza-Bónum brick-factory and Szarvas-locality no. 75.
3. Total horse and human skeleton in separate grave with opposite orientation could be found in 7 cases in the graveyards of Endrőd-Kecskészug, Szarvas-locality no. 75 and Szarvas-locality no. 68. In the latter one there were one horse each on both sides of the corpse.
4. Horse skeleton in separate grave in one axis with the human grave was in the graveyard of Szarvas-locality no. 68.
5. Individual horse-grave with the same orientation as the human graves occurred only once in the graveyard of Orosháza-Bónum brick-factory.
6. We meet two forms of partial horse-burial in the graveyard of the Orosháza-Béke Cooperative sandpit. One form when only several horse-bones were buried in the grave at the same time as the human body (3 cases), the other form when the horse remnants were put into the end of the grave, at the foot of the departed after a certain time, we call this after-burial.
7. We find symbolical horse-burial in 15 graves of the 50 chamber-graves explored in Szarvas-locality no. 68, and we meet this burial custom in 2 cases when the corpse buried in traditional pit. Here only the horse-furniture was buried: snaffle, stirrup and iron buckles belonging to the saddle.
Role and significance of the archaeological private collections have been changed basically since the beginnings of the museology in the 19th century. Information value of the objects being in the property of the present-day private collectors is rather low for the archaeological research using elaborated methods. Many times - owing to its incidental character - registration of the objects and the acquisition of them for the museum-collections hit against serious difficulties. In some lucky cases the private collection can be taken over partially or totally by the museum. In this way the objects of archaeological age can be preserved in safe circumstances and by can serve the science and the wide publicity.
The collection presented in the following study is formed by the activities of an amateur collector, who restored the items of his collection on his own and systemised according to his individual conception. The finding place of the individual items and further data essentially important for the archaeological research unfortunately are not recorded by him. After his death the data certainly known for him cannot be reconstructed any more, and without these the information value of the objects has decreased significantly. The composition of the collection, however, beyond being a memory of the collector's individual taste, divergent interest, is a sort of mirror of the history of the Carpathian Basin.
József Koczkás (1942-1998) visited by choice the regions of the known archaeological finding places around Békéscsaba and Gyula, the area of the Fényesi Farms. Through his acquaintances, friends he appeared also in Tószeg, in the region of Ságvár and Szentkirály szabadj a. The most beautiful items of his collection were purchased and exchanged from collectors, antiquarians in Berettyóújfalu, Csökmő, Szolnok and Budapest. After the death of the collector the collection was offered for purchase to the Erkel Ferenc Museum of Gyula and thus the objects went over into the property of the museum through purchase.
The majority of the totally 2372 pieces of objects is flint instrument or chip (2040 pieces of items), further 332 objects are a set of ceramic, bone, stone, iron and glass objects, their age can specified from the prehistoric age till the late Middle Age. Majority of them can be inserted well typologically in the known object groups of the individual ages, publication of some objects, however, is reasoned by its uniqueness. From the individual items of the shortly presented collection certain objects "deserve" a separate study, e.g. huge urn from the Middle Bronze Age or a fragment of a runic bronze pot. Owing to its private collection character and other reasons specified earlier finding places of the objects are not known, thus they can enable only typological analysis. High number of the items in the collection and the fact that the various periods and cultures can be identified, however, give reasons for publishing the known and knowable data of the objects.
Society-ethnographical data about Méhkerék
The objective of the study is to examine social-ethnographically the Roumanian native tongued population of Méhkerék in Békés County. Priority of the examination is to present those changes leading to the end of the closeness of the settlement that lived in endogamy in ethnical, local and confessional terms.
We get a picture about the society of the village considered as ethnical island till the 1970s through an examination of the economic, property and religious features. On the basis of the historical data we need to emphasise primarily the significance of the orthodox church and the changing economic factors shaping the social life of the village.
Beside the blood-relative, marital and family-organisational connections corresponding to the clan-like style of living the analyses present the operation of the family as economic unit, as well as the role of the members of the patriarchal family in the family and the work-organisation.
Examination of the match-making and the marital relations supports the views formed on the changing social life of the Roumanian community in Méhkerék.
Moral norms in the traditional society
Rules of every-day connections are determined by the behaviour norms formed in, accepted by and considered as of general force in the given community. Keeping to the behaviour customs is a condition of belonging to the community, the order formed according to the "unwritten laws" of the settlement is a regulating factor compulsory for everybody, therefore those deviating from them bring themselves under negative discrimination.
Rules concerning the behaviour are strengthened by beliefs, prescriptions, prohibitions inherited from more generations, thus becoming compulsory to the total community they shape the behaviour forms of those living in the community. Therefore the examination of the inner regulating order of the rural life cannot be separated from the topic of folk religious ideas and folk customs but it has a much wider connotation, connecting to all areas and phenomena of the rural style of living.
Owing to its closeness and differences in mentality the Roumanian communities in Hungary show peculiar picture in their scale of values, moral norms. The character of folk ethic is influenced by the factors affecting the relations of the given settlement such as number of population, religious and ethnic distribution, characteristic trade branches, standard of living, state of education, social relations, geographic environment of the settlement, distance from a bigger city, the property status of the population. We have defined as the objective of the research the examination of the scale of values of the Roumanians living in Méhkerék, analysis of the changing moral judgements, conventions, behaviour norms and definition of the factors raising these changes.
Life of unmarried women and men and match-making in Füzesgyarmat in the first half of the 20th century
Füzesgyarmat belongs to those settlements of Nagysárrét of which population forms a continuous and relatively close community since the Hungarian conquest.
The incalculable, uncertain conditions of existence led to a labour-centred scale of values in the peasant society, although variedly by classes. They started to involve children gradually into the work from the age of six-seven, taking care of giving them tasks preferably suitable to their age, later their sex. Till the age of marriage girls were supposed to learn the most important women's tasks (e.g. cooking, bread baking, washing, lime-washing, poultry breeding etc.), the young men had to be able to mow and naturally have the knowledge connecting to breeding animals and agriculture.
The match-making was considered as an important decision influencing the rest of the individual's life thus the community customs, moral norms ruled its course and circumstances in a detailed way. Selecting the intended pair the parents, as the right of the decision was predominantly theirs, endeavoured to validate the principle of "similar should marry similar", which was apparent in the regional, religious and trade endogamy and the consideration of the property aspects before anything else. The behavioural, aesthetic expectations as well as the individual feelings of the youth often didn't get sufficiently emphatic role. The addresses, which took place also in strict frames (e.g. young men could go sweet-hearting only on special days of the week, the parents of the girl, especially the mother was always present etc.) and could last for more years sometimes. Match-makers helped those who did not find their match in time or got divorced or widowed. They were usually old, well-speaking, reliable women.
From the 1930s-40s the old, communal meeting-entertainment forms, work opportunities partially disappeared, partially transformed, giving their place to new ones, the ties influencing the match-making got slack and the individual attraction became more and more important.
The farms around Békéscsaba
Formation, changing and development of the farm-stead-like form of settlement following the re-population of Békéscsaba - which became a dominant part of the economic life of Csaba town during the history - have already been a surveyed area for scientists. The farm-stead of Csaba (sálas) as the object of ethnographic research, however, is a less elaborated topic in the available manuscripts, publications or professional literatures in spite of the fact that the farms and the life, husbandry characteristic of them connected and even today connect in some degree organically to the ethnography and history of Békéscsaba. The buildings of the farms and the husbandry taking place there played a significant role in the economic life of the town. The farm-buildings and the urban houses formed a unity in some degree. The farm-buildings together with the out-buildings belonging to them show a relatively uniform picture in the fields around Békéscsaba. In the 40s of the 18th century the dwellings, the later farms formed in the border of Csaba went through more changes during their development. Studying the buildings of the primitive hole-houses made of reed, then the screened types formed later, eventually the farms gaining their current shape we can discover a certain parallel with the buildings formed in the inner town of Békéscsaba. The forms of the dwelling parts of the farms, their building techniques in a simpler way and with some time-gap followed the changes, modifications appearing in the urban houses. On the farms the screened and the fore-porched houses also appeared. One type of the houses in Csaba, the house with baroque or classicist front, however, never showed up in the environment of the farms.
Market-townish folk architecture in Mezőberény, town of three nationalities
No research has been carried out on the traditional architecture of Mezőberény, rooted in the peasant-citizen society of the market-town for the recent 25 years. A quarter century ago Lajos Hentz made a comprehensive study about the folk architecture of the settlement. The present study endeavours to show not only the changes occurred in the period passed since then but also takes other aspects into consideration. On one hand it presents the impacts of the middle-class life-style in the market-town, started to take form in the last century on the archaic rustic architecture. On the other hand it also discusses what kind of influences the three national group living in Mezőberény - the Hungarian, German and Slovakian - had on forming the traditional architectural picture during the two-century co-existence. From this view-point the study can be considered as inter-ethnic research. A separate chapter deals with the general features of the urban folk architecture, analyses the architectural customs of the three nationalities in a detailed way, digresses the various forms of the side-buildings beside the houses, the heating equipment and site-arrangements. In addition to the diversifying features of the architectural elements it gives picture on the factual manifestation of the sale procedure. The data collection verifies the hypothesis that the German population living in the central part of the settlement had greater impact on the architecture of the other two ethnical groups. In its summary on the basis of recent complex examinations the study gives an overview on how the architectural regions belonging to the individual ethnic groups influenced each other in the town. A determinant element in the manuscript is the intention of preserving the traditional architectural values and emphasising its importance.
Carrying loads by man-power in Gyula
We examine the customs of carrying loads by man-power in the environment of Gyula. In our study we observe the characteristic features of various ethnic groups, following the members of the body.
On the top of the head only the German women carry baskets generally two-handled, made of osier. They carried curd cheese, fruits on the head.
The most important device of carrying loads with hand is the basket, the 'kaska'. The one-handled basket was made by the basket-maker out of decorticated or undecorticated osier. The basket was carried in hand or their arms were pulled in it. In the clothes-basket they carried the washed clothes to the loft. In the "osier-basket" they carried heavier weights, usually two of them. They used can for carrying water and brought the drinking water from the artesian well in them. The material of the can was either enamel or tin plate. Pots are not used today. After the pig killing they put a small sample packed in glass-wiper on a plate and they brought it to the grantee. They put the food in food-carrier for the confined women. Fodder, hay or straw are carried with dosser into the stable. During carrying sacks sometimes they used sack-carrying timber. At funerals they carried the coffin put on pole to the grave. They carry the small children on arms, if the child can hold him- or herself.
On their back rather only Gipsy women bear clothes or feather. During vine-harvest men carry the grape-basket on their back, pouring out the grape from them into the open barrel.
Men carry their bag across their shoulder. The corn is put in sack and carried to the loft on shoulder. Going to work sometimes they throw their tools across their shoulder.
They push trolley by man-power or barrow in case of ground-work. They scarcely use them today. They rather carry something heavier on their bicycle, they do not sit on them in these cases.
They pull small carriages, sleighs by man-power. A sack of wheat can be put on a small carriage. The sleigh can replace the small carriage in addition to functioning as children's winter-toy.
Today in the world of cars people carry thing by man-power more and more scarcely.
The military role of the fords near Szarvas and the plan of the renovating of the fort in Szarvas during the Rákóczi Independence War
During the Independence War led by Rákóczi the Serbian border watchmen called 'Rác' who settled down near the sonthern border of Hungary caused severe problems for the Hungarians. Thongh Rákóczi tried except a few little troops.
The solders of the borderlund near the River Maros caused problems in the Territory east off the Tisza with their regular invasions. When they were invading they mainly used the ford on the River Körös near Szarvas and Békésszentandrás. The 'kuruc', the Hungarian troops beat them twice near Békésszentandrás on their way back home with their prey.
The 'Rác' wanted to renovate the old Turkish fort in 1702 and perhaps in 1708 that was in nuins in those times. In 1710 Rákóczi wanted to strengthen Szarvas to defend the area north off the River Körös. They chose the Hajdú's of Sarkad to bring true the plan After 1710 there were no occasion to restore the fort, the independence War failed and the helpless Sarkadians gave up the fight on 11th January 1711.
Capitulation of the officers of the Hungarian war of independence at Gyula
As the end of the Hungarian war of independence the army of Görgei capitulated before the Russians at Világos on 13th August 1849. At the capitulation, however, the officers could keep their side-arms. Their total disarmament was not carried out before the Russians handing them over to the Austrians. This sad act occurred in Gyula, on the square between the fortress and the castle on 22nd -23rd August 1849. Out of the 13 officers executed in Arad on 6th October ten were disarmed here.
An as-yet unexplored source to the history of Elek
Péter Miskucza 1931-1981 was the Greek Catholic priest of Kétegyháza. His heritage was purchased by the Munkácsy Mihály Museum in 1982 for its Routnanian Historical Collection. The significant heritage includes more thousand items of significant documents, small prints, books and objective materials. The heritage is of source value, und essentially importunt for the historical und cultural historical research of the Roumanians living in Hungary. The donation-collecting diary presented above is a part of this heritage.
György Kohán: The Memory of War
György Kohán is the son of a land where East and West meet. His way of thinking and art showed this same duality until the end of his life. He was born into the hard, tragic destitution of the poor of the Hungarian Plain on which was superimposed the strain of Latinized European culture.
By the time he was admitted to the College of Arts, he had already been in possession of a discernibly individual style. The following year he was discouraged from continuing his studies. He stays in Budapest, and continues developing his abilities in an auto-didactic manner. In 1931 he travels to Paris, where he is commissioned to copy the Works of the great masters of Italian renaissance in the Louvre. Piero della Francesca, Leonardo and Michelangelo teach him a kind of painting characterized by sublimity and noble pathos. Brushstroke by brushstroke, he absorbs both the substance and the techniques of classical presentation. Following the trains of thoughts of old masters, he becomes steeped in the period style ofthat age. When he had sensed and understood the easthetics of bygone ages, his attention turned to the' latest beauty'. He gained access to the new idea of cubism through a study of the masters of postimpressionism, Van Gogh and Cézanne. Picasso and Braque made a profound, 'elementary' impression on his art teaching him to paint forceful and monumental pictures without any contrived postaring. His somewhat brutal way of presentation evoked by the themes and messages of his works was relieved by the intimacy of Kohán's sensibility and outlook on the world.
Returning to Hungary, he found himself faced with preparations for the coming war. He could have found shelter in his plans and the new ideas he had become conversant with, but even these ideas turned out to be a weak defence agarost the sights of violence, suffering and senseless death that remained with him and continued to torment him for the long years to come. From 1939 to 1949 he was, almost exclusively, concerning himself with this subject. The plan of his monumetal frieze, The Memory of War, took several different forms over the years; the figures in it repeatedly recur in several tableaus painted by Kohán.
With him, theme defines style, and message determines form.His paintings delineating peasant life are realistic, whereas his lyrical wax tempera pictures portraying a host of figures as well as his monumental fresco designs reveal a cubistic tendency with their transected planes and montage technique.
The subject of The Memory of War is humiliation, death and grief. The vision of shock that does not tolerate sentimentality. What Kohán thinks is told simply, in a way everyone can understand, as he is talking about something way beyond private matters.What happened is not unique, so Kohán generalizes and exemplifies. His figures are reduced by his memory to concentrated essentiality. The things shown refer to an action beyond the theme proper: to the cause itself. That he was shocked by the experience is obvious. Monumental form, however, is justified by overpowering emotions, and this does not only mean exceptional size. Monumental is what is monumental in proportions as well as in the forcefulness of representation building up to a dramatic climax. The work itself is a climax, a final, painful tension. Objectivity is impossible: the viewer is still impressed by the creator's exasperation and indignation that called the work to life.
Kohán's oeuvre has remained valid to this day. He represented the great end-points of life: birth and death. And what is in between, fugacious life for which we have to pay a price, but which also rewards us with a susbtly woven texture of gold glittering in the rays of sunlight.
In memory of András Csath, owner of the Herman Ottó Medal
The author commemorates to the well-known ornithologist-nature protector, pedagogue and preparator, András Csath in his work. In his study he endeavours to summarise and treat the writings published since the death of András Csath and the documents being in possession or database of the Csath Family and the Munkácsy Mihály Museum. The briefly and chronologically built up curriculum vitae is coloured by 20 illustrations (photo, manuscript, publication, diploma). Through the life of the onetime citizen of Doboz, the Hungarian pioneer of the fauna-history and nature protection we can have a short glance also at the long-ago cultural life of Doboz. (8., 10., IL, 15., 16.)
Letters and manuscripts of János Banner in the historical collection of the Jantyik Mátyás Museum of Békés
János Banner archaeologist of the prehistoric times, ethnographic researcher, cultural historian was born in Székudvar (Arad County) on 6th March 1888 and died in Budapest on 29th June 1971. During the centenary of his birth commemorations were held all over the country and I recognised his letters and manuscripts during the preparations in Békés. A lucky accident that the letters written between 1966-1971 are without exception in connection with the data collections of the manuscripts that can be found here.
In the first one he asked administrative data to his archaeological monograph in progress (János Banner - István Bona: Mittelbronzezeitliche Teil-Siedlung bei Békés, Bp. 1974), then he made an inquiry on the dates of the visits of János Arany in Békés (his study on this topic was published under the title: Dr. Hajnal István naplója Arany János békési tartózkodásáról [Diary of Dr. István Hajnal about the visit of János Arany in Békés] Békési Élet 1970/1.)
His most important letters are those dealing with localising the Castle of Békés, whereas his study entitled A békési vár (castrum, castelllium, palánk) földrajzi helye [The geographic location of the Castle of Békés (castrum, castellium, board castle)] (Békés Élet 1970/1) published as the result of these efforts is the first scientific elaboration of the topic. During this work János Banner took notice of a map entitled Intravillanum Oppidi Békés, made by unknown author in the first years of the 19th century, in which the location and the moat-system of the castle can be seen distinctively.