The expression Sa/bartoi aA~sfaloi, as an early name of the Turks, i.e. Magyars occurs twice in Chapter 38 of De Administrando Imperio (DAI) of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. It is a commonplace of the studies in early Hungarian history that the name-element a)/sfaloi of Sa/bartoi a)/sfaloi is a masculine plural nominative form, the singular nominative of which is a)/sfaloj. This latter, in turn, is the Middle Greek popular form of the adjective a)))sfalh/j, originally with stem in -s, the result of a long process whereby the originally in -s adjectives acquired stems in -o. Thus, the meaning of the name Sa/bartoi a)/sfaloi would be „steadfast (staunch, secure) Savartians". This line of reasoning has two serious deficiencies. One is that the word a))sfalh/j does occur in DAI in the usual stem in -s form with its usual meaning (19,6; 31,37), and, similarly, De cerimoniis contains the classical forms only (2,186 infra c. 2,1; 453,13). The other is the fact that there is no evidence in DAI that the emperor ever used the stem in -o version of any of the in -s adjectives in classical Greek.
It would seem obvious, on the basis of the above, that the derivation of the form a)/)sfaloi from a))sfalh/j lacks any philological support. In my paper I put forward a new explanation of the word a)/sfaloi. This word is obviously the attribute of Sa/bartoi, is certainly Greek, and, since in its present form it definitely stands out in the linguistic context of DAI, it must be a corrupted word. There have been attempts to have the word a)/)sfaloi derived from, and explained in terms of, other languages, but on the basis of Constantine's language what we have here is the masculine plural nominative of a Greek adjective, originally with stem in -o.
An orthographic and paleographic examination of Cod. Parisinus gr. 2009 has led me to the conclusion that DAI 38,9-10 can be reconstructed in the following way: Ou^(1)k e^(1)le/gonto de\ t%= to/te xro/n% Tou=rkoi, a^(1)lla\ Sa/bartoi/ tinej e)/k tinoj ai^(1)ti/aj e^(1)pwnoma/zonto.
The second element of the expression Sa/bartoi a)/sfaloi in DAI 38,28 would seem to be the result of a simple textual corruption: the word a)/sfaloi is the corrupted form of the word au^(1)toke/faloi; the latter appears in other places of DAI (29,62.66.87; 44,28). The question arises, then, whether the assumed expression Sa/bartoi au^(1)toke/faloi fits our text, and whether the assumption that the original ethnonym Sa/bartoi was complemented with this attribute has any realistic foundation. The passages that include the word au^(1)toke/faloj (see above), would seem to support this view. All the occurrences talk about the same thing: au^(1)toke/faloj is the one that has superior power disappear from over his head and becomes his own master. DAI 28, 25-30 says the same: after the army of the Turks, i.e. Magyars had split into two, their ruler Lebedias was with those in the West, as the text clearly says, thus he was no longer the ruler of the Turks in the East, i.e. the latter had become autonomous and independent. It was the result of that independence that an autonomous boe/bodoj of the Eastern Turks appeared on the scene in Almoutzis. Hence, the attribute au^(1)toke/faloj = autonomous, independent fitted the eastern Turks very well.
Megjegyzés: A cikk karakterhibás
Once more on the sermons of Saint Gerald
In 1985, analysing the legends of the saint, the author already discussed the sermons of Saint Gerald (c. 980--1046). Then he came to the conclusion that the 14th-century Legenda maior Sancti Gerardi modernized the data of its lost source precisely concerning the subject of the preaching to an extent, giving into the saint's mouth sermones that became regular around the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, that its data can be accepted partially and after meticulous examination only.
However, a recently discovered fragment of a 14th-century legend has directed attention to the issue again. In the present paper the author attempts to show that all that has emerged from the latter source can be substantiated from other sources as well, especially from Gerald's theological treatise entitled Deliberatio supra hymnum trium puerorum. The author regards it as probable that the part of this note attributed to Gerald is indeed a quotation by the saint. He believes this would support the scholarly hypothesis that Saint Gerald, as a bishop, wrote homilies on the incarnation of the Lord (De incarnatione Domini), on the Virgin Mary (De beata Virgine), and on the holidays of the Christian calendar (De diebus sollemnibus) for his fellow priest to use in their missionary and preaching activities.
On the nature of the authority of the Kievan (Grand) Prince
Emerging from the elite of the tribes and kinships, the prince was authorized to make decisions in military, judicial and spiritual cases. His privileged position, which was due to his aristocratic birth, did not in any way mean monarchic powers in itself, let alone that he was by definition the owner of estates as professed by most historians in the Soviet era. We regard the agreement at Lyubech in 1097 as the beginning of land-ownership or at least the manifestation of the adherence to a territory. Besides the revenues from spoils and the tributes by subjugated tribes, the first signs of the land-ownership of princes are detectable by the 12th century, as for instance in 1136, when Prince Rostislav Mstislavich granted two villages to the bishopric of Smolensk at its foundation. First among the princes was the grand prince holding Kiev, whose position rested on his senior status within the dynasty, which he had to have accepted by the other princes and the Kievan veche. From the middle of the 12th century the senior status meant merely declared/recognized rather than real seniority. It would seem significant that coronation was absent from among the legitimizing factors of the authority of the grand prince. What we have instead was the practice of "setting on the throne", and this element would apparently retain its secular nature. Thus the spiritual confirmation, deriving authority Dei gratia, is missing. The formulation of the description of enthronement ("sede na stol ottsa svoyego i deda svoyego", i.e. "he sat on his father's and grandfather's throne") merely shows the legitimacy of the authority grounded on a familiar basis. The few charters (ustav) that have survived from the Kievan period begin with the formula "I, the prince." (Se yaz knyaz.), which is followed by a reference to the Holy Trinity, proof of the Christianity of the prince. In the cases of smaller princes, legitimation was achieved either by authorization by the grand prince or by the participation (invitation, election) of the locals (veche).
"eundo in nuncium regis versus regem Hungariae..." A diplomatic journey and what it cost in 1346
King Louis the Great of Hungary managed to include the King of England among his allies to support his campaign against Naples. Invaluable on account of its rarity, the statement of accounts of the trip by the envoy of Edward III in connection with these diplomatic preparations, for all its brevity and economy, brings to life not only a section of a mediaeval diplomatic journey but that of life in those days in general as well. After identifying the placenames, determining the points of time the envoy spent in various villages and towns, and resolving the financial abbreviations all one had to do was to unfold the information hidden in the mere accounts.
First I reconstructed the trip that lasted 110 days and included crossing seas, rivers, and land, trying to find the reasons why the English envoy picked that route. P. Walter de Mora started from London, transversed Europe, journeyed down to Zagreb and back, indeed, having got back to London he had to continue down to the Isle of Wight to report to King Edward on his trip. I discuss in a separate chapter the comparison of daily velocities, the expenses concerning the horses, the cost of food and accommodation, and the problems concerning the financial accounts of the diplomatic mission.
The promise of the King of England remained a promise, no military support resulted from the mission, the Hundred Years' War engaging to a considerable extent the forces of Edward. The source under discussion is really less interesting from a political historical view, than for the information it contains on everyday life in the Middle Ages.
The Christian making of political space (Bibliographical sketch)
With its starting point in Ernst Kantarowitz's article and in recent literature on the subject, the paper attempts to discuss the mediaeval history of belonging to a national territory on the basis of a particular viewpoint, the regionalization of ecclesaistical matters in the mediaeval West. Investigating the ancient, Roman antecedents, the author accepts Yan Thomas's definition on the close relationship between local home (patria propria) and the Roman homeland (patria communis). In this sense, the Roman homeland is a space that blends the place of origin, the local homes meaning the homes of ancestors, as well as differences. The early Middle Ages preserved pater propria, identified with the place of birth, living, and burial, and patria communis, which referred to the Carolingian empire and then to territorial monarchies. Patria gradually assumed a Christian meaning, signifying to a growing extent patria christianorum. Following that, the paper examines the beginning of the concept of patria in the context of Capetian France and the mediaeval Kingdom of Hungary. The Kingdom of France had gone a long way from the coronation of Hugo Capet in 987 to the canonization of Saint Louis IX in 1298. As a result, with the help of ecclesiastics, the person of the king became sacred, and was given the epithet "most Christian". Patria communis, on the other hand, assumed the meaning of the Kingdom of France and later that of res publica christiana. In contrast, the Kingdom of Hungary was never identified with the Christian homeland, it was always open to foreigners. As a result of the Turkish attacks, however, denominational differences, feelings against those of other religions, increased. The concepts of regnum and patria developed towards separation from the beginnings to the 1500s. Christian patria could not be completely applied to the regnum because the latter included significant minorities that could not be integrated in the Church. Instead of the lost patria communis, the parts separated after the disastrous battle at Mohács in 1526 were compelled to think in terms of the concept of patria propriae, meaning the components.
Mediaeval Patria in a German context, between the organization of an empire and regional forms of consciousness
Critical and historiographical sketch
The paper discusses the origin and development of the concept of patria in mediaeval Germany in a two-directional, terminological and phenomenological, as well as historiographical, approach, utilising the achievements of the abundant recent German literature on the subject. The importance of the issue is indicated by the fact that German historians have tended to link the analysis of the concept of patria with the examination of the appearance of the sense of nationality and the sense of identity in the Middle Ages. Modern German historiography has done quite a lot since 1989 for a novel discussion and reinterpretation of these issues. It has discarded, for instance, the notion of a nation that has fallen behind in development, or that of the Empire obstructing the rise of the nation, as well as the idea of Sonderweg, which allowed ample room for determinism and apologetics. It has compared French and German developments, facilitating thereby the rejection of the myth of ancient ethnicities. Within these investigations, the concept of patria has received special attention because, on the one hand, in Germany this is closely associated with the issue of various regions, and, on the other, it has made possible a worthwhile comparison with the French model. Taking into account the most important achievements of modern German historiography, the author voices his doubts, too, at the end of his paper and stresses the importance in certain respects of further investigations.
Alexander the Great and the Trojans in Burgundian literature
It is a long known fact that fifteenth-century Burgundian literature was highly ideologized. The collection of the Burgundian library as well as the subjects of the works recommended for the dukes were determined by dynastic policy. Alexander of Macedonia was the protagonist of several contemporary works mostly as the embodiment the virtues of audacity, heroism, and generosity. Like so many other ancient and mediaeval personifications of chivalric virtues, he was probably a model for Philip the Good and Charles the Bold.
The paper analyses in detail the outstanding role of Alexander the Great in Burgundian ideology, and inquires how the dukes of Burgundy, who came from the House of Valois, and were, therefore, descendants of the Trojans, could select Alexander the Great of Macedonia as their role model. The justification of the question is to be found in Georges Chastelain's poem, Complainte d'Hector.
A detailed analysis establishes what role the Trojan legends and/or Alexander the Great played for a century in indigenous Burgundian literature, and the paper collects a number of motives that demonstrate Charles the Bold's personal attraction to Alexander the Great, establish the probability of the former's admiration towards the latter, and indicate that Charles's actions were to some extent determined by his identification with Alexander. His death in the battle near Nancy was also the result of a heroic recklessness in imitation of ancient models. Alexander was only one of these models, but the most important one, even if sometimes, as in the Lucianian dialogue popularized by Jean Mielot, he was second to some other hero. The paper, as a contrast to Burgundian literature, introduces a "novel" from fifteenth-century France, with both Alexander the Great and Hector as protagonists; the author, Sebastien Mamerot, in accordance with French royal ideology, presents them in a light quite different from that employed by his Burgundian contemporaries.
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