Prosecution, accused persons, judgements from the history of Slovak people’s courts
After the Second World War on the territory of present Slovakia the calling for responsibility of war criminals was regulated by order No. 33/1945 of the Slovak National Committee that itemises the criminal acts and the punishment that can be imposed for them.
The author illustrates the activity of the People’s Courts on concrete cases. For the work of People’s Courts accused persons were necessary, who were summoned on the basis of accusers - many times witnesses. The order of the Representative Office of Justice No. 41751/1946-13 dated Oct. 4, 1946 enabled that the People’s Court on the basis of the bill of indictment from the prosecutor could pass a judgement even in the absence of the accused person.
The Representative Office of Home Affairs and the Slovak Settlement Office decided that it would speed up the conviction of Hungarians, thus on the basis of the 8th article of the agreement on population exchange it increased the number of people who can be deported unilaterally. Since it was not possible to shorten the time of hearing, thus within one proceeding more accused persons were set before the court. This became the basis of the so-called collective proceedings.
Looking for Hungarians in the Ukrainian textbooks of history and geography
The starting point of the study is the following: Study of the Hungarian picture itself is meaningless; it must be situated in the field of general history approach of textbooks, in the picture created on the other nations, nationalities, and/or in the process of constructing Ukrainian history, since the Ukrainian nationhood is modern, however the textbook tell the history of almost onethousand years. Another important comparison point is a picture that the Hungarian history textbook written by Hungarian historians gives to Hungarian schools in Ukraine. Also important is the natural-geographical and political Europe-oriented approach of geographical textbooks, and within this the demonstration of the place of Hungary.
Bilingualism in the official language of Somorja between the two World Wars
The author examines the official notarial and district documents of Somorja between the two world wars from the linguistic point of view, mainly the Hungarian-Slovak bilingualism and language usage. She tries to answer the question that how the formation of Czechoslovakia influenced the official language in the district seat that is mainly lived by Hungarians. Primarily she is interested in the eventual „mixing“ of the Hungarian and the (Czecho-)Slovak language and their relationship to each other; that in what situation and how people chose in this period one or another language and what is (or can be) the function of this choice.
She examines a rather great number, and different materials. From these materials, including entirely Hungarian ones and entirely (Czecho-)Slovak ones, a whole range of bilingualism can be experienced. There are cases when only one Slovak word (most frequently proper name) is put into the Hungarian text (code change), but it is frequent, that the certain parts (mainly formal marks) of the official document are written in the state language. It is most frequent that the two languages are changed by words or sentences (parallel bilingualism). This formal solution is the characteristics even of the great number of bilingual forms, that are mainly filled out only in one language (so the message is not doubled). In the case of bilingual documents, as the law regulates, always the state language stands on the first place.
Reasons of giving nicknames in four Hungarian territories in Slovakia
The study analyses nicknames of four neighbouring Hungarian territories in Slovakia (Búcs, Dunamocs, Hetény, Izsa) according to the reason of name giving. The author collected 1299 nicknames from adults used in the living language.
From the types of nicknames sorted according to the reason of name giving, the majority (25,17 %) represents nicknames referring to external features. Within this the creation of most of the nicknames is motivated by the build of the body of a person, figure (short, tall, fat, lean). On the second position are nicknames motivated by unknown and uncertain motives (21,17 %). In case of inherited nicknames the descendants many times do not know the motive of name giving. The third most frequent motive is influenced by inner characteristics of a person (14,09 %). Names referring to a habit, favorite activity go before the name group referring to a dominant characteristic. Except for names motivated by favorite activity many times the favorite food and drink is the motivation for creating names. From the dominant characteristics the negative characteristics are the most frequent. Beside naughtiness, disobedience, badness the most names can be found in the sub-category of wile, lie, stupidity and mental awkwardness. On the fourth position are the names referring to profession, craft, title (9,85 %). Their most part refer to profession. Behind them go the nicknames referring to family, Christian, and/or pet names (9,31 %). The most frequent sub-category is created by nicknames originating from family names. This method of name giving is very popular mainly in the circles of younger people. Names referring to an event are on the sixth position (6 %). These are followed by nicknames referring to names of family members and relatives (5,31 %). The names of man and woman ancestors seldom became nicknames. It can be seen at the nicknames originating from the name of the spouse that the husband is many times identified by the maiden name of the wife. Between the names referring to way of speaking (3,08 %) names in fact methods of speaking dominate. They are then followed by nicknames referring to other life conditions (3 %), from which those are the most frequent that relate to wealth and animal breeding. Names referring to former or recent address (2,31 %) refer mainly to the part of territory. From the motives of name giving the number of nicknames referring to the age is lower (0,69 %). Referring to the age is general in those cases when the nickname is inherited.
At the research points the Hungarian nationality population creates the majority of village population that can be evidenced in the collected material of names: beside the names of Hungarian origin there is only insignificant number of Slovak nicknames. The usage of Hungarian nicknames in Slovakia is dominated by the mother language.
Result of Károly Habsburg’s first Hungarian restoration attempts in the autumn of 1921 — The Czechoslovak—Romanian federal agreement
The goal of this work is to complete its author‘s study relating the first restoration attempts of Károly Habsburg in the autumn of 1921 in Hungary (Tóth A. 2002; Tóth 2005), to point to the influence of the ex-emperor on this adventurous step, to the federal agreement made by Romania with Czechoslovakia, that was similar to the agreement between Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia on 14th March 1920, the kisantant first bilateral, defensive-federal agreement. After all the author intends to focus on the creation of kisantant, that was realised by Romania’s joining to this federal grouping, and/or by signing the military convention with Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia.
Even if Beneą did not succeed to put Hungary into a disadvantageous foreign policy situation, nor to put pressure with his political partners according to his own ideas, in mediis rebus during the time of Károly’s first restoration attempts, the Czechoslovak foreign affair minister succeeded to demonstrate uniformity of the kisantant political line ex post.
Consequently, to the middle of 1921, with the significant support of the Czechoslovak diplomacy, from a geopolitical point of view Hungary was put in a tight corner in whole extent. Thus Hungary from the point of view of foreign policy within the region became isolated. It was surrounded by the signers of the kisantant alliance from three sides, who took into account not only possible defensive, but also offensive attack. If we consider the defeated Austria who was in an opposite position to Hungary not only due to the disputes on West Hungary, and who from the point of view of its economic situation was dependent on Czechoslovakia, then also the neighbouring Poland who towards Czechoslovakia — even if not indirectly — showed initiation of a friendly relationship, Hungary’s not only economic, but also political isolation took place. Beside the Rapallo Italian-Yugoslavian Agreement, that included direct anti-Habsburg agreements, Hungary faced another — although declared not directly anti-Habsburg — pact. Although the signers of the agreement very strongly opposed to any Hungarian restoration of the Habsburg-house, they clearly suggested its results, and/or the possible reaction if in the Hungarian Kingdom such internal politics would be implemented — unified military intervention.
Later to Hungary’s foreign policy isolation considerably contributed the wider European foreign policy situation, that was considerably different from the conditions experienced at the time of signing the Czechoslovak-Yugoslav alliance agreement in the summer of 1920. At that time Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia decided to make that step even despite the significant displeasure of the greatest antant partner, and/or Central European protector, France, that represented a sharply refusing viewpoint against the Beneą federal policy of Central Europe. In 1921 the French diplomacy wholly supported the creation of the final form of kisantant, without which Romania de facto would very hardly decide itself to join this international alliance. At the same time, the kisantant became an international alliance in whole extent only with the Organisational pact, and/or in 1933 at the meeting of Ministers in Geneva by establishing a permanent committee functioning as a directive body. Although carefulness of the Romanian diplomacy persisted even in the future, and it reflected also in the agreement on friendship made between Romanians and French in 1926. Thus Romania clearly declared the kisantant, and/or undoubted connections of the Romanian foreign affairs toward France.
Fairylike, mysterious. On the prose of Magda Kovács
Magda Kovács is one of the most promising prose-writers of young generation of writers of the second part of sixties. She appeared in her legendary novelanthology titled Black Wind with her texts breaking history telling, rich in lyrical, visional pictures.
After the successful introduction and the first volume she publishes very seldom, mainly fairy tale novels. She is not bothered by historical and social changes, rather the issues of maintaining the integrity of an individual, cultural identity, and the problems of difference. In her exotic countries there is magic and cold reality by each other. Her style of speaking is fairylike realism. In spite of the relative small extent of her life works, she has an important place in the (Czecho-)Slovak Hungarian literature, being a comparing point.